A protester throws back a teargas canister at police during a nationwide strike to protest against tax hikes and the Finance Bill 2024 in downtown Nairobi, on June 25, 2024. The Kenyan masses have taken consistent action on the streets against institutions that uphold neoliberalism and capitalism, the writer says. – Picture: Tony Karumba / AFP
By Nicholas Mwangi
For the past five weeks, Kenya has been gripped by unprecedented protests. What began on June 18 as a rejection of the Finance Bill has expanded into a larger movement demanding better governance and radical change in the country.
In society, development and events are never entirely predictable, nor do they occur in isolation. Even periods of apparent inactivity can give way to rapid change, overshadowing years of dormancy or quietness. These dynamics are evident in the ongoing protests in Kenya, that embody Lenin’s famous quote, “There are decades where nothing happens, and there are weeks when decades happen.”
The initial spark for these protests was the unpopular Finance Bill 2024, which proposed additional taxes. Kenyans from various sectors voiced their concerns over the bill’s potential adverse impacts on their lives, especially considering the already high cost of living.
This sudden surge of protests surprised many, given Kenya’s recent history of relative calm regarding nationwide protests. The events echo the global wave of protests between 2010 and 2020, as other countries like Uganda and Nigeria have attempted to call for such protests.
For the first time, Kenya witnessed a protest movement largely led by young people. Under the rallying cries of “Occupy” and “Reject Finance Bill,” these young protesters, armed with phones, hashtags, and bottles of water, made their way to the parliament building on June 25. This unprecedented move caused members of the National Assembly to flee as citizens overran parliament.
In response, the government deployed the military to assist the police, a decision contested by the Law Society of Kenya in court and the opposition in parliament. Eventually, the Finance Bill was withdrawn entirely. President Ruto, bowing to pressure, held a conversation on X with Kenyans and, during the following week, fired his entire cabinet.
This generation, tired of the status quo, has spurred the administration to make drastic decisions to try and control the situation. The momentum of the Gen Z movement has been remarkable, drawing inspiration from unfinished liberation struggles and bringing a renewed sense of purpose to the country.
However, the president has now proposed a broad-based government that includes the opposition. In his recent reconstitution of cabinet secretaries, he has offered positions to the opposition. It is important to note that the official opposition was not involved in these protests, which are the largest and most consistent ones in many weeks.
They have shown their political opportunism by attempting to hijack this revolution, seemingly rescuing President Ruto’s regime. But the youth have remained defiant, calling out the political class, which they see as desperate and fighting for their own survival.
Lessons from history in avoiding political co-optation are crucial. Until the struggle is fulfilled, co-optation is often used to betray popular demands. However, this movement has withstood such attempts until now, having no de-facto leader, and instead has mass participation of people’s movements and organisations, making it difficult for the regime to co-opt or bribe its way out.
Historically, protests led by the opposition always ended with a deal that disappointed the masses. The opposition leader Raila Odinga has faced backlash from the masses. The young protesters reminded him that he was not their leader and was not negotiating on their behalf, emphasising that the political class is on one side and the masses are on the other.
These protests usher in a new dawn and the end of an era of political dormancy among the youth, driven by a generation unwilling to accept systemic failures by the government. High levels of unemployment among the youth, wasteful public expenditure, and extrajudicial killings continue to fuel anger among the protesters.
This shift is evident for several reasons. Firstly, just two years ago, Kenya’s election recorded the lowest turnout in 15 years, with an overall turnout of 64.6 percent. Many young people did not vote, seeing no change in their material conditions through voting.
The active participation in protests now is unprecedented. The shift from rejecting the Finance Bill to demanding systemic change shows a complete loss of faith in the regime. The protesters have presented a list of 14 additional demands, such as scrapping the unconstitutional Chief Administrative Secretaries (CAS) roles and publicly funded offices of the First Lady and Second Lady, which the president conceded to.
Additionally, the Inspector General of Police resigned as part of the demands due to the police’s excessive force against peaceful protesters and a series of illegal abductions.
Other demands still on the table include the reconstitution of the IEBC, placement of intern doctors, and the capping of MPs’ salaries and allowances. This broad understanding of the challenges facing the country is important, as it moves beyond shallow ethnic perspectives or favouritism toward leaders. It reflects a desire for a system that works for everyone.
Another shift is evident in the religious sector. This government came to power with strong backing from church leaders, and previous governments have been supported by evangelical churches. However, young people now demand that the church separates itself from politics and instead joins calls for social justice and good governance.
The church has been criticised for giving politicians platforms for campaigns. Under the “Occupy Churches” tag, youth attended church services in most parts of the country to ensure that no politician would be given a platform. Church leaders also bowed to this demand, and they must now play a progressive role in holding the government to account.
The most surprising shift is the understanding among many young people of the role of the IMF and World Bank. They have called out these institutions, recognising the complex and sophisticated system of neoliberal capitalism that has driven many people into poverty.
The Finance Bill 2024, backed by the IMF, is a neoliberal policy. In Kenya, the IMF’s policies have disproportionately affected the most vulnerable, as in the 1980s and 1990s, when stringent austerity measures led to economic hardship.
No matter what happens next, this moment has ushered in a new era. Normalised oppression and economic inequalities will no longer go unchallenged. It has set a new course for Kenya’s future.
Nicholas Mwangi is a member of the Ukombozi Library in Kenya.
This article was first published on Peoples Dispatch
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